The most telegenic part of the Egyptian revolution — the exciting, heart-pumping days, when the masses took to the streets, fists in the air, calling for change — came early.

Now, that part is over. But the battles continue, and events in Cairo are bringing serious reasons for concern to advocates of democratic liberalism and equality.

A few days ago, the country’s parliament selected the writers of Egypt’s new constitution. The result was profoundly disappointing for liberals, women and non-Muslims. The 100 people who will draft the document are overwhelmingly men, and nearly all are Islamists.

Many of the young liberals who launched the revolution and risked their lives for its success are despondent. They have been almost completely sidelined. Liberal groups have forcefully rejected the process and its outcome. They filed suit to block it from going forward and they withdrew the handful of their representatives chosen to participate in the constitutional assembly.

Negotiations to find a compromise are under way and the opposition could rejoin the assembly. But it’s clear that liberals are dangerously weak at this pivotal time in Egyptian history.

Even Egyptians who do not belong to political parties and who are not particularly supportive of liberal goals cried foul. The influential al-Azhar University, a scholarly authority in Sunni Islam, withdrew in protest. The Coptic Christian Church is considering a boycott.

Critics argue that Islamist legislators rigged the process and failed to include truly qualified individuals, such as constitutional scholars, in the committee. They maintain that the constitution writers should not be politicians and should reflect all of Egypt instead of just the results of the last election.

But the decision was made by the parties with political muscle. The Muslim Brotherhood, which has portrayed itself as a moderate force that would shun radicals, joined forces with the extremist Salafis to control the process.

The Muslim Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party holds 46 percent of the seats. The Salafi al-Nour party, a much more radical Islamist party, holds 24 percent.

In a constitutional referendum last year, the parliament was empowered to elect but not to nominate the candidates for the body. Egyptians expected that nominations would come from civil society, professional organizations and other non-governmental associations. But instead, the two political parties that control the legislature worked together to ram through their plan.

The parliament decided to appoint 50 members of parliament to the constitutional panel and another 50 public figures. Of the 50 MPs chosen, 36 are Islamists. Of the non-MPs, almost all belong to Islamist groups, including the Muslim Brotherhood. The panel counts only six women — two of them Islamists, and only six non-Muslims, two of them women.

About three-quarters of the constitutional assembly are avowed Islamists.

In an encouraging sign, the Grand Imam of al-Azhar, Ahmed el-Tayeb, called for a "democratic and constitutional" state. Theocratic states, he said, become dictatorships.

The constitution will determine Egypt’s future and the fundamental character of the state. It will spell out the role of Islam in the law and in daily life. It will decide if non-Muslims, who make up about 10 percent of Egyptians, and women, a majority, will be equal before the law. And it will determine, among other things, the system of government; whether Egypt will be a parliamentary or a presidential system with a strong executive.

The effort to prevent the constitution-writing process from moving in this direction has not ended. But the chances that liberal forces will get their way are not good.

Several worrisome signs have emerged. The Brotherhood’s willingness to cooperate with radical Salafis is a dangerous precedent. Salafists want to quickly enact sharia, Islamic law, as the law of the land. They reject equality for women and they’ve suggested imposing a dress code on women — and worse. The Muslim Brotherhood has vowed to distance itself from Salafis, saying they want to follow a more pragmatic and gradual path, even if they, too would like to see Egypt eventually become an Islamist country.

A year ago, the hope was that a society of equality and freedom would emerge. If this constitutional assembly stays in place, Egypt is likely to move in a very different direction.

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Frida Ghitis writes about global affairs for The Miami Herald.