There may be no better time than the present to push for reforms aimed at curbing corruption among unethical lawmakers. These would be the ones who follow the money to do what serves a special interest — or financial self-interest — rather than the people they represent.
This is the opportune moment, when the public is outraged by the accusations of blatant pay-to-play maneuvering by two disgraced state politicians, former state Sen. J. Kalani English and former Rep. Ty Cullen.
They were charged last week in the culmination of a federal investigation for failing to report sizable gifts from a cesspool company in exchange for introducing and then killing legislation at the behest of this company. Former colleagues of English and Cullen ought to be driven to demonstrate their eagerness to do some serious cleanup now.
Further, this election year is one that rolls around only once a decade, when election maps are being redrawn to align with the Census. And as a result, every single one of the legislators will be up for a thumbs-up or down.
Right now, lawmakers need to make real efforts to fix a legislative system that has been far more accessible for those who have the money to grease the gears of government than for the average person.
Witness Milton J. Choy, the wastewater treatment and industrial machinery executive at the center of the federal probe. He has donated $160,000 to state and county lawmakers since 2014, and his return on investment has been $6 million in government contracts.
Distancing themselves now from these funds, sitting House and Senate members who received these donations are giving them to the Campaign Spending Commission or the nonprofit Criminal Justice Action Network, according to lawmakers’ statements on Friday.
That is the bare minimum voters should demand. The entire legislative process needs to become more transparent to the public to make it harder to hide this kind of illegal transacting, penalizing those who disregard the law.
Just to cite one example pertinent to this case: In response to the scandal, House Speaker Scott Saiki pointed to the passage last year of House Bill 670, which authorizes a court to order the forfeiture of half a public employee’s retirement upon their conviction for a felony related to their work.
Saiki has said the aim will be to harden the penalties. Revisiting this one, clarifying that felonies could mean sacrificing full benefits, would be a good place to start.
Other reforms should include making the reasons for introducing bills — as well as for shelving them — a matter of public record. It should not be possible to introduce a bill “by request” without disclosing who requested it.
Bills should have their purpose spelled out prominently so the changes being sought are clear. And when a bill is shelved, that shouldn’t be discretionary for committee chairs without putting it to a vote.
Other reforms? Start with banning political fundraisers, and the inevitable influence-peddling during legislative sessions. And it should not be possible to “gut and replace” a measure, changing its content entirely, without a hearing. This practice already has been slapped down by the state Supreme Court, and it should stay down.
Too burdensome for managing the usual load of bills? Fine. Consider limiting the bill count. Other states have done it.
Tightening of campaign-contribution disclosures, too, should be considered — so that donation “bundling” is more true and transparent.
Meanwhile, the FBI has indicated an interest in pursuing bribery cases. That’s good — fbi.gov/tips makes it easier for the public to help.
If Hawaii elected leaders persist in turning a blind eye to what is plainly a culture of corruption, voters should throw them out. They’ll get a chance to do so in August’s primary or November’s general election.
