They were bright-eyed and smiling. I showed them a picture of our dog, figuring a puppy is a good icebreaker with any kid. They warmed up, asking about my children and Hawaii. I asked where they were from; their answers as diverse as their faces — Afghanistan, Syria, Nigeria, Bosnia. We were in an old German Army barracks — a “reception area” for refugees escaping war. What struck me the most is that kids are kids no matter their circumstances.

I visited refugee camps in Germany and Jordan to see first-hand what was happening and understand how American policy impacts this issue.

Recent events led to a low point in American politics. Many of us afraid, on edge, not knowing who to blame or what to do. And what filled the void was a resentment and fear that is contrary to who we are.

This is partly because American foreign policy debates have become rote, trite, overly simple. Neoconservatives want to topple yet another regime, progressives again don’t. This is not the greatest threat ever to civilization but it is serious and new. And that requires serious and new thinking.

A group of us in the Senate is developing a foreign policy that is pragmatic and progressive to help fill this void. Working together we’ve had moderate success on climate, the nuclear Iran deal and countering violent extremism online.

My thinking is evolving as events do. But here are my notes from the field about the best way to combat violent extremism.

First, we need a “hearts and minds” strategy that reflects 21st century realities. ISIL is enlisting tens of thousands of foreign fighters via Twitter. We are spending nearly nothing on countering their message. In the past, Radio Free Europe spread our values across the world, but we have a muddled approach on the Internet. This needs the strategic rigor, oversight and money that traditional war- fighting receives.

Second, we need better participation from the global community. This is now everyone’s fight, and that requires suspending old assumptions. We can negotiate with Iran or Russia in brokering peace in Syria and still oppose their belligerence with Israel or Ukraine. The idea that Iran and Russia won’t have a role in a political settlement in Syria is a fantasy. Saudi Arabia should feel the weight of American pressure to stop funding extremism, and we must not let other Gulf and European allies avoid responsibility for the refugee crisis.

Finally, wars should never be endless and borderless. We should repeal and refine the 2001 and 2002 war authorizations, and pass a narrower one against ISIL. As I heard from the Jordanians, there will be no effective military response in Syria without a local Sunni Arab force that can help to take back and hold territory from ISIL. We don’t have that partner, and without it, our strategy is not realistic. Sending a war authorization to Congress gives the war-weary American people a voice, and allows us to align strategy, oversight and funding in a way consistent with the Constitution.

The geographically distinct caliphate attracts glory seekers from across the world. That’s why battlefield progress still matters. We must cut off supply lines, increase bombing of oil infrastructure, and take back territory. The UN Security Council’s unanimous vote and the Jordanian and French air campaigns are a start.

This isn’t just a terrorist army that we are attempting to defeat; it is an idea. And to win that war, we must stay calm, stick to our convictions, and approach the battle of ideas with a seriousness of purpose that is equal to the challenge.