Today’s word is “situational,” as in relating to a specific situation or circumstance.

When former Gov. John Waihee would expound on a subject he was likely to describe it “in situational terms.” But, because he is a Big Island boy, Waihee was also likely to put a Honokaa spin on the adjective, pronouncing it “sid-uational.”

There is situational theory, situational irony and situational behavior, but today we are talking about situational labor endorsements.

Last week, U.S. Rep. Colleen Hanabusa’s campaign for governor against Gov. David Ige won its most important endorsement when the state’s biggest and most politically active union, the Hawaii Government Employees Association, backed Hanabusa.

Four years ago, the HGEA supported Ige, but only in the general election against former GOP Lt. Gov. James “Duke” Aiona and former Honolulu Mayor Mufi Hannemann, running as an independent. In the primary, against then-Gov. Neil Abercrombie, the HGEA was silent.

Randy Perreira, HGEA executive director, has previously said the union does not endorse in a primary “if there is a significant split in the ranks.”

So for the HGEA to come out now against the Democratic incumbent shows that the union is perhaps as much concerned about the Ige administration’s competency as well as Ige’s politics.

The situational matter in all this is that there was a time when if you found an HGEA dartboard, it was likely to have Hanabusa’s portrait on it.

It wasn’t so much that the HGEA despised Hanabusa, who is a liberal and sympathetic labor lawyer, but the union wanted all of Hanabusa and all of her allies crushed for defying it.

Early in her legislative career, Hanabusa was marked as an independent, liberal reformer. From leading the fight against the ill-conceived traffic camera system, to a comprehensive campaign-reform set of proposals, Hanabusa was usually ahead of the pack.

Then she teamed up with then-Gov. Ben Cayetano in a major reform of state civil service laws. At the same time she also led the fight to reform the public employee health insurance laws, at the time when the unions were selling their own members health insurance.

Then-HGEA head Russell Okata said the union “was very unhappy with her leadership.”

Inside of two elections, the HGEA had helped drive four Hanabusa allies out of the state Legislature. Then the HGEA went inside the Legislature to change the little-known, but union-critical law on binding arbitration.

Halting binding arbitration was called the “most important government reform in decades.”

Basically, binding arbitration means that instead of negotiating a new pay contract, the HGEA could call for binding arbitration, with the arbitrator almost always saying if the state has a way to pay for a requested pay raise, it must do so.

For two years, binding arbitration was repealed with Hanabusa’s help. It forced HGEA to bargain just like any other union and if it didn’t like management’s offer, the alternative was a strike.

Legislators, after seeing what the HGEA could do to Hanabusa’s political buddies, desperately changed the law back to binding arbitration, and the HGEA’s finger would always be on the state budget.

The HGEA’s Okata called it a “defining moment.”

Hanabusa back in that 2003 vote defined herself as the only Senate Democrat to stand up to the HGEA with her “no” vote. Hanabusa’s fellow senator, David Ige, voted with the HGEA.

Richard Borreca writes on politics on Sundays. Reach him at 808onpolitics@gmail.com.